The government is drafting a bill for setting up a higher education commission of India (HECI) as a single, merged higher education regulatory body, the Lok Sabha was told on Monday.

Union Minister of State for Education Sukanta Majumdar made the announcement while providing a written answer to a question.

"The NEP 2020 visualises a 'light but tight' regulation for ensuring the integrity, transparency and efficient use of resources in the education sector through audit and public reporting and stimulating innovation and think-out-of-the-box by providing autonomy, good governance and empowerment," Majumdar said.

"The NEP 2020 also foresees the creation of a Higher Education Commission of India (HECI) as one all-encompassing body with autonomous verticals to carry out autonomous functions of regulation, accreditation, funding and setting academic standards. The above vision of the NEP 2020 is being drawn up by the ministry in the form of the HECI bill," he added.

The HECI suggested by the new NEP suggests substituting the University Grants Commission (UGC), the All India Council for Technical Education (AICTE) and the National Council for Teacher Education (NCTE).

The UGC looks after non-technical higher education, the AICTE looks after technical education and the NCTE looks after teachers' education.

The idea of the HECI has been floated earlier in the form of a draft bill.

A first Higher Education Commission of India (Repeal of University Grants Commission Act) Bill, 2018 was placed in the public domain in the year for repeal of the UGC Act and made provisions for setting up the Higher Education Commission of India.

The new drive to pass the HECI came under Dharmendra Pradhan, who was administered oath as Union education minister in July 2021.

Evidencing the need for change by one regulator of higher education, the NEP 2020 report states, "the regulation system has to be revamped in its entirety so that the system of higher education gets re-energised and flourishes."

The US Department of Education has initiated civil rights probes into five universities to see if scholarship schemes targeted at illegal immigrants are discriminatorily excluding American-born students.

The probe, conducted by the Department's Office of Civil Rights (OCR), aims at University of Louisville, University of Nebraska Omaha, University of Miami, University of Michigan, and Western Michigan University. In the middle of the probes are scholarships that supposedly hold spots for DACA program recipients or other unauthorized students, as per a press release.

The Legal Insurrection Foundation's Equal Protection Project brought the complaints resulting in the requests. The group contends that issuing scholarships based on immigration status alone — specifically, those excluding US citizens — is discriminatory against national origin under Title VI of the Civil Rights Act of 1964, which prohibits national origin discrimination by programs receiving federal funding.

Craig Trainor, Acting Assistant Secretary for Civil Rights, tied the action to larger administration priorities: "On January 21, 2025, President Trump made the commitment that 'every single day of the Trump Administration, (he) will, very simply, put America first,'"

Trainor explained. "As we commemorate President Trump's record six months in the White House, we are redoubling our efforts at enforcement to safeguard American students and law-abiding residents from invidious national origin discrimination of the sort complained of here."

The OCR will also look into whether race or color was a factor in the requirement levels of other university scholarships, which might contravene other provisions of Title VI.

William A. Jacobson, creator of the Equal Protection Project, summed it up this way: "Discrimination against American-born students cannot be tolerated," he said. "Maintaining equal access to education means maintaining rights of American-born students. At the Equal Protection Project, we are heartened that the Department of Education's Office for Civil Rights is acting on our complaints regarding scholarships discriminating against American-born students."

Research scholars and postgraduate students at the Indian Institute of Technology (IIT) Guwahati campus staged a protest on Tuesday against a sudden fee hike, a move announced by the administration this July.

A drastic increase in semester fee of the students of PhD, MTech, and BTech triggered the protest. This was the first hike in seven years. For PhD scholars, fees have increased by ₹10,900 per semester, rising from ₹34,800 in the January–May 2025 semester to ₹45,700 in the July–November semester. 

In addition, many new and augmented charges have also been introduced like the gymkhana fee has doubled from 1,000 to 2,000 rupees, the medical fee is up by five-fold (100 to 500) startling increases in hostel rent and fund, and a new fest fee of 1,300 a semester is proposed. Part-time scholars are also the most affected and this is increasing by 7 times, taking it to 25,000 rupees per semester.

Student representatives said that the increase was abrupt and implemented without adequate consultation, placing a heavy financial burden on those with monthly fellowships of ₹37,000 to ₹42,000, which are insufficient to cover their academic expenses. Many claimed that the rise was without any visible changes in the campus infrastructure or amenities.

The administration however argues that the increase, 8900 a semester on continuing students, is needed to finance the welfare programs, hostel life, cultural and sports events and other activities of the students. 

IIT Guwahati also stated that this decision was made after a four-hour open-house meeting on July 17, 2025 with student representatives, promising to give financial help to needy students via Students Welfare Fund. Officials further noted that while formal complaints could be submitted, none were received after the meeting, according to the administration. 

But on July 22, which was the final day of semester registration, students who declined to pay the increased fee were denied registration and this forced many students to engage in mass protest actions such as boycotting academic activities and street demonstrations to demand that administrative decisions be reversed and that decision-making processes be displayed to them.

While the administration describes the protesters as a small group within the institute's population of over 8,400 students, the protesters argue that the fee structure remains unaffordable for many. They also claim that low participation from the wider student body is due to administrative pressure. With the standoff underway, everyone is waiting to see whether the management will listen to the calls of a rollback or additional consultations with the aggrieved scholars. 

The Afghan Taliban regime shut the university and secondary school doors for girls three years ago — the only nation on Earth to do so.

An Afghan girl learning the Koran in a madrassa or Islamic school in Kandahar. (Courtesy: AFP photo)

Six hours a day, school-to-school, Nahideh labors in a cemetery, refilling bottles at a shrine on the block and reselling it again to mourning families by the graves of deceased loved ones. She wants to be a doctor — but is smarter.

The next year's school year, she'll pass in a madrassa, an Islamic school, studying the Quran and Islam — and little else.

"I would like to go to school, but I am not allowed to, so I will go to a madrassa," she replied, dark brown eyes glinting out beneath her tightly wrapped black headscarf. "If only I could attend school the I would be able to learn and be a doctor. But I cannot." Nahideh is 13 and in the final year of primary school, the most education girls are allowed to aspire to in Afghanistan.

The Taliban government here banned girls from secondary school and university three years ago — the only country to take such a step. It is one of the many hundreds of rules imposed on girls and women, from what to wear to where to go and with whom to socialize.

Tertiary education playing no part, high numbers of girls and women are seeking instead to madrassas.

The only education allowed "Because girls' schools are closed, they see this as a chance," said Zahid-ur-Rehman Sahibi, the head of the Kabul-based Tasnim Nasrat Islamic Sciences Educational Centre. "And, thus, they come here in order to stay engaged in the study and study of religious sciences." The centre has about 400 students between the age of roughly 3 and 60 years old, and 90 percent of them are women. They learn the Quran, Islamic law, hadiths of Prophet Muhammad, and Arabic, the language of the Quran.

The majority of Christians and Afghans, Sahibi says, are Muslim. "Even prior to the closure of the schools, the majority of them went to madrassas," he explained. But if the schools close down, then the interest is keen, for madrassas' doors are never shut to them." There are no recent official figures published on girls educated in madrassas, but officials say popularity of religious schools overall has grown. In September, Deputy Education Minister Karamatullah Akhundzada estimated at least 1 million madrassa students over the past year alone, pushing the total to more than 3 million.

Quran Study In the warm glow of a late-afternoon sun in a dimmed room in a basement in the Tasnim Nasrat center, Sahibi's students prayed kneeling over small plastic desks on the floor carpeting, pencils scratching arabesques of Arabic writing in their Qurans. The 10 women were all wearing black niqabs, the covering robe leaving only the eyes visible.

"It is beneficial for girls and women to learn in a madrassa, because … the Quran is Allah's word, and we are Muslims," added 25-year-old Faiza, who joined the center five months ago. "It is therefore our duty to learn what is contained in the book which Allah hath sent unto us, to translate and to interpret." She would have wished to be taught in medicine if she could. Even though she knows there is no chance of it being an option now, she would like to have it completed in case she ends up being a good student committed to her faith some time later. It is one of the last options left for women to remain in Afghanistan.

"If my family understands that I am studying Quranic sciences and am implementing all the teachings of the Quran in my life and they are certain about it, they will surely permit me to study," she said.

Her teacher told her he would like women not completely barred from the study of religion.

"I believe it is highly important for a woman or a sister to study religious sciences and other sciences because the modern science is also a part of society," Sahibi went on. "Islam itself teaches one to study modern sciences because they are religiously obligatory and religious sciences are obligatory as well." Both need to be learned at the same time. An unprecedented ban Girls' secondary and tertiary schools have been closed but challenged in Afghanistan even by the Taliban. In a defiant gesture in public that is not common for any Taliban government official, Deputy Foreign Minister Sher Abbas Stanikzai spoke at a public rally in January and stated that there was no necessity to keep women and girls away from school.

His words were said not to have sat with the leadership of the Taliban; Stanikzai is officially off duty and was reported to have gone into exile. But they most certainly sent a reflection that the majority of Afghans understand that denying girls education harms in the end.

More than four million girls would have been denied a chance at secondary school if the ban were to remain in place until 2030, UNICEF Executive Director Catherine Russell testified at the start of Afghanistan's school year in March. "The price paid by those girls — and by Afghanistan — is heart-wrenching.".

The ban is damaging the country's health infrastructure, economy, and future," The worth of religious education To Islam's holy book, to most people here in this same traditional nation, can't be overstated.

"Madrassas of Holy Quran study are the foundation of all other sciences, whether medicine or engineering or other sciences," said Mullah Mohammed Jan Mukhtar, 35, who runs a boys' madrassa on the outskirts of Kabul.

And if they are initially taught the Quran, then subsequently they will pick up these other sciences with ease." Five years ago, his madrassa started out with 35 pupils. It now has 160 boys aged between 5 and 21, half of whom are boarders, as well as in addition to religious studies, it teaches a few others such as English and maths. There is also an attached girls' madrassa, he said, with 90 pupils.

"I don't think there are sufficient madrassas for women," answered Mukhtar, a 14-year-old mullah. He stressed Islamic education for women. "If they have learned Islam rules, they know more about their husband's rights, their in-laws' and family's rights."

In one of the largest breaks for Odisha's rural education sector, Odisha government has upgraded 102 high schools in the School and Mass Education (S&ME) Department to higher secondary schools. The upgraded schools will become operational from the 2025-26 academic session, stated School and Mass Education Minister Nityananda Gond.

The upgradation has been approved by the Project Approval Board (PAB) of the Ministry of Education under the Samagra Shiksha scheme. Of the new schools being upgraded, 28 will be science streams and six commerce, and the remaining ones will be arts streams.

Highlighting the significance of the move, Minister Gond said, "Several students, especially the rural students, used to go a long way for Plus II studies. With these upgradations, children are now able to access higher secondary education from their own context. This is a step further towards making quality education accessible to all the more under the state system."

Up-grading has been carried out to minimize dropouts of rural students, who typically drop studies because there are no higher secondary schools within vicinity. Most of the up-graded colleges have been carried out in remote and un-served areas, thus providing students with better opportunities of studying in the desired streams.

This follows a similar move during the previous academic year when 74 high schools were promoted to higher secondary level by the PAB. The combined effort is as part of the state government's aim to enhance higher secondary education infrastructure, especially in rural Odisha.

Through these provisions, the government will create an education system that is more accessible to students in the state and helps overcome geographical and economic barriers to education and accomplishes students' academic objectives.

HBSU and TeamLease. EdTech launched Maharashtra's first undergraduate degree course in Business Artificial Intelligence (AI), according to a statement. BSc in Business AI is an industry-relevant degree that weaves together business basics with real-time AI skills and industry-tenure.

Aimed at filling the gap in skills between business and technology, the program equips students to drive the adoption of AI within organisations. Focusing on applied skills, abilities of AI tools, and deploying through project work, the curriculum is designed to deliver against the changing demands of digitally enabled businesses.

India requires business-savvy professionals with a data science work culture," stated Shantanu Rooj, Founder & CEO, TeamLease EdTech. "This BSc in Business AI is not just a course—it's a springboard to the next generation of AI-fluent business professionals."

Programme Highlights – A Series of Firsts

-- Maharashtra's first BSc in Business AI

-- First degree to offer academic credit for on-the-job training and project-based learning

-- HBSU's inaugural career-integrated program tracks industry demand in real time

By introducing the program, HBSU is the state's first university to introduce a Business AI degree program, continuing its mission to provide visionary, employment-focused education.

At HBSU, we plan to provide future-first programs to keep up with the future of work," stated Prof. Rajanish Kamat, Vice Chancellor, HBSU. "Through this program, students will achieve the competence, training, and exposure necessary to thrive in AI-driven business environments."

The course will be imparted in blended mode with industry mentorship, AI laboratory-based training, and live projects in marketing, finance, human resources, and operations.

Applications are invited for the initial cohort.

About Dr. Homi Bhabha State University

HBSU is a self-contained degree-granting university with its own ordinances and regulations. It is Maharashtra's first to be established under the Rashtriya Uchchatar Shiksha Abhiyan (RUSA) to provide high-quality, employment-focused education in all disciplines.

NCERT is in the midst of mounting criticism from historians and scholars alike for its historical error in depicting Assam's Ahom dynasty in its new Class 8 history book in the chapter 'Tribes, Nomads and Settled Communities'.

 

As much as a 600-year-long dynasty of the Ahoms ruling Assam is a plausible rectification of historical silences, historians verily confirm that the material is beset with historical inaccuracies and oversimplifications.

 

One of the more disputed inaccuracies is that the Ahoms are from today's Myanmar. Elearned analysts believe that this goes against scholarly consensus and historical evidence, which trace their origin to Mung Mao—a culturally famous Tai polity in Dehong County of Yunnan Province, China.

 

Pulitzer Prize winner Arup Kumar Dutta responded: "Mung Mao encircles kingdoms of northwestern China and northern Myanmar. Historically, it was not correct to only name 'Myanmar'. But on the contrary, in the absence of a belief that one has to acknowledge the constraint of squishing 600 years' of history into a brief textbook paragraph, there was room for a more integrated treatment of such a sprawling dynasty.".

 

Among the strongest causes of dissent is the description of the Paik system—a military and administrative labor system—"as forced labor." Experts are hesitant to agree with such a description. Departmental Secretary, History Department, Sibsagar Girls' College Dr Prabin Hazarika stated: "a rotational duty system in which a paik was given land and had chances of promotion by merit. It was far from the exploitative or caste-based systems elsewhere.".

 

In response, Dutta admitted that the Paik system was not slavery but a coercive form of state service in which "two out of three men worked for the state in rotation, and one stayed back to take care of families—especially during war."

 

Writer Nilutpal Gohain also agreed, stating, "The paik system was a system of organized land-based service at the heart of the operation of the Ahom state. To define it as 'forced labour' is a perversion."

 

The book is also said to be oversimplifying explaining how the Bhuiyan landlords—local elites who governed then—their own description as being "pressed down" by the arriving Ahoms.

 

The most glaring error, according to authorities, is that the Ahom-Mughal war during the invasion of Mir Jumla is being referred to as a mere defeat of the Ahoms. The 1663 Ghilajarighat Treaty that was signed under duress is being acceded to in most cases as the strategic move of the Ahoms to regroup and reunite. "It was not a surrender," Dutta added.

 

This was a calculated move by Atan Burhagohain to delay, and the Ahoms later pushed the Mughals out.

 

Having repelled 17 Mughal raids and enjoyed independence for six centuries, the Ahoms have never been in the mainstream of national history writing. Even one page of NCERT books was long overdue, many thought. But now, many believe this long-overdue recognition is being diluted by twisting facts.

 

Gohain further commented that while the inclusion is welcome, "proper and respectful representation is needed, particularly in the presentation of students local histories. The Ahom heritage must be represented in a fashion commensurate with its complexity as well as its relevance."

 

Dutta also protested the omission of such vital aspects of the Ahom heritage: "The textbook does not even refer to the Khel system, their mega structures like Rang Ghar and Talatal Ghar, or how they contributed to the development of a unique Assamese identity. Such omissions water down the actual influence of the dynasty."

 

Previously this year, 2022, Assam Chief Minister Himanta Biswa Sarma had requested all states to incorporate in the school syllabus the story of Lachit Borphukan, the Ahom general who had defeated the Mughals in the Battle of Saraighat. The present backlash sees increasing demands from Assam and other northeast states for an inclusive and decentralized Indian history.

 

Under critical examination, historians are asking NCERT to rework the chapter in collaboration with local historians so that the Ahoms' legacy is dealt with dignity, restraint, and fact-based authenticity it deserves.

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