Centre has proposed setting up of three new All India Institute of Medical Sciences (AIIMS) and to add 75,000 medical seats over five years. Here's how education stakeholders reacted to the union budget. Finance Minister Nirmala Sitharaman has proposed setting up of three new All India Institute of Ayurveda, National Institute of Pharmaceutical Education and Research. Sitharaman has also announced the setting up of five university townships. The minister has proposed to reduce TCS rate for pursuing education and for medical purposes under the liberalised remittance scheme, popularly known as LRS, from 5 per cent to 2 per cent. The government has also proposed the formation of a high-level committee in the area of 'Education to Employment and Entrepreneurship'. This committee will recommend measures focused on the services sector as a key driver for a developed India.

The Supreme Court's stay on the UGC Equity Regulations did not bring calm to university campuses. Instead, it triggered sharply different responses across India's legacy universities.

At Delhi University, the student groups supported by the Left protested for the regulation which has been stalled for a long time, to be enforced in all institutions, thereby emphasizing the immediate necessity to protect the rights of underprivileged students.

JNU, BHU and DU's responses when combined reflect not merely a disagreement over a regulation, but an even more profound rift in how world's first, class universities at the Indian level conceptualize caste, equity and change.

TORCHES AND SLOGANS AT JNU

In the torchlit passageways of Jawaharlal Nehru University, students called for the government to pass a national law against discrimination in higher education and the complete execution of the UGC Equity Regulations, stating that lack of justice on campus might lead to protests on the streets.

On the other hand, students from the SC, ST, and OBC communities at Banaras Hindu University went on a rally with letters, placards, and references from official reports, demanding an Equal Opportunity Centre, an Equity Committee, and clear procedures for dealing with discrimination.

At Delhi University, the student groups supported by the Left protested for the regulation which has been stalled for a long time, to be enforced in all institutions, thereby emphasizing the immediate necessity to protect the rights of underprivileged students.

JNU, BHU and DU's responses when combined reflect not merely a disagreement over a regulation, but an even more profound rift in how world's first, class universities at the Indian level conceptualize caste, equity and change. One more push against Rohit's murderers, and Manusmriti/Brahminism will burn!)", while protesting.

JNUSU President Aditi Mishra and Former President JNUSU Nitish Kumar said that many cases get stuck in the Supreme Court for years and they questioned the urgency of this case.

They cautioned that the agitation will not be limited to the campus if the UGC Act is left unimplemented it will come out on the streets.

The Secretary of the JNUSU Sunil Yadav, while defending the slogans of the protest, told PTI, "The slogans shouted during the protest are of ideological nature and do not target any specific caste or group. "

BHU'S SUPPORT MARCH FOR EQUITY

Something similar happened at Banaras Hindu University (BHU) in Varanasi when not less than thousands of students protested on the streets of the BHU campus.

Hundreds of SC, ST, and OBC students including a large percentage of female students marched in favour of the UGC Equity Regulations and against structural caste discrimination.

Ramji Patel, ex, student of BHU, informed that SC/ST/OBC Unity Forum wanted the university to "immediately constitute an EOC and an Equity Committee, make information public on the website, organise sensitivity programmes, and send timely and transparent reports to the UGC."

They first met at the Vishwanath Temple complex and then proceeded together through the campus to the university gate.

The presence of police was quite large and the proctorial board were kept alert all the time.

Students handed out a letter which alleged structural caste, discrimination in higher education that has been going on for a very long time.

DU JOINS THE PROTESTS

Student groups backed by Left at Delhi University protested against the Supreme Court stay on the UGC regulations and called for their implementation in all universities.

The All India Students' Association conducted marches, drawing attention to data revealing an increase in complaints of caste based discrimination.

Sooraj Elamon, SFI Delhi President, said, "We reject the judicial stay and urge the Supreme Court to protect the constitutional rights of the marginalised students."

The group also called for the UGC regulations to be extended to all institutions.

TEACHERS RAISE DOUBTS

Even faculty voices were uneasy. The Jawaharlal Nehru University Teachers Association has criticised the UGC Equity regulations for "not even remotely" addressing the discrimination that exists in deep, rooted and systemic forms in higher education institutions. JNUTA also said that it "has not seen the order of the honourable court or the grounds for its order, " and that the statement "is independent of this order and reflects the outcome of the discussion at yesterday's meeting."

The differences are quite significant. The protests at JNU have been framed as a fight for ideological space and the need for immediate implementation of the reform.

The march at BHU is an expression of the plea for institutional support and the development of a system to help marginalised students. In Delhi, it is at once a matter of solidarity as well as a legislative plea.

As protests continue, the debate around the UGC Equity Regulations has moved beyond legality. It now reflects a larger struggle over how universities understand equality, and who gets to define it.

Union Budget 2026, 27 has given a big boost to education by allocating a record amount of 1.39 lakh crore to the sector, an increase of 8.27 per cent over the previous year.

In theory, this is the highest nominal allocation to education in India ever, thus signalling not only an intention but also continuity and political emphasis. But budgets are more than just about the wishes. India's education system is struggling with the fundamental issue of whether this increase in spending will actually change the system or it will only be a means of covering the costs and continuing with the unfinished reforms.

After factoring in inflation, salary revisions, infrastructure costs, and administrative overheads, the real increase in the budget's purchasing power looks rather limited. Hence, the question arises as to whether the schools and universities throughout the country will be able to effectively carry out what has been declared or the declarations themselves will lead to results.

Where the Money Goesand What That RevealsSchool education still commandslargely the funds with an expected expenditure of around 83, 562 crore; higher education, on the other hand, has been allotted a sum of 55, 727 crore. This break, up is a reflection of the massive size of India's school education system and the government's continued focus on schemes related to access, nutrition, and welfare.Programs such as Samagra Shiksha, PM POSHAN, Kendriya and Navodaya Vidyalayas, and PM SHRI schools constitute the major components of the public education grant.

On the other hand, a quick surge in higher education has mostly been seen, thus signaling an underlying concentration on the acquisition of skills, research, and global competitiveness. Nevertheless, the discussion still remains about how this ratio is appropriate for solving India's time- honored problems of the university level like faculty shortage, unequal funding, and governance issues.

Technology, Skills and the Risk of Uneven Progress

Digital learning, artificial intelligence, skilling, and innovation have been highlighted as the major areas of focus in Budget 202627. The installation of AVGC labs in 15, 000 schools and 500 colleges is an example of a step towards acknowledging the creative industries of the future and the job markets.

However, India's previous stands of technology- driven education reforms are like a warning. Lack of dependable digital infrastructure, insufficiently trained teachers, and weak Centre, state coordination could make these initiatives not only ineffective but also more unequal in terms of regional and socio, economic aspects. The first to benefit would be the urban and well funded institutions, whereas the rural and less endowed schools would fall even further behind.

University Townships and Industry Linkages

The plan to build five university townships along the industrial and logistics corridors intends to connect universities, research, and jobs. In principle, it is in line with the global models of innovation clusters.

Nevertheless, the real success factor lies in the practical aspects getting land, cooperation from the states, regulatory clearances, and investments from the private sector. India's experience with large education clusters indicates that overly ambitious timelines and divided governance can lead to the failure of even the most well, intentioned projects.

Girls Education and Student Welfare

The proposal to create a girls' hostel in every district is a direct response to one of the oldest issues that have limited women's engagement in higher education i.e. safety and shelter. By doing so, besides rural and semi, urban girls, the students from these areas will also greatly benefit from the increased enrolment and retention. However, without definite grant deeds, personnel arrangements, and upkeep promises, the facilities may merely serve as tokens rather than agents of change.

Research Funding and Institutional Fragility

The funds allocated for One Nation One Subscription, World Class Institutions, Atal Tinkering Labs, and PM, USHA are the directions of improving research and innovation. However, the competitive funding cannot replace consistent core funding. There are still a large number of universities that are facing the issue of their basic capacity, which grants cannot solve alone.

To sum up, the Union Budget 2026, 27 is more of a reflection of continuity than discontinuity. It reinforces the areas of technology, skills, research, and welfare but leaves aside the issues of deeper structural weaknesses. The real proof will not be seen from the budget papers, but the classrooms, campuses, and student performances where the intention has to meet the execution finally.

In an exclusive step, the government of India through the Ministry of Social Justice and Empowerment has partnered with PW (Physics Walla) to offer free coaching. This initiative is widely appreciated by many for being a breakthrough for education access. However, this inclusive Free Coaching Scheme is being called-out as a selective one because it skips general category students. Questions like: Where do we fit in such visions? Are gaining traction. 

The Invisible Struggle of the General Category Student

General Category students are again left out while reserved classes are offered the best of opportunities. For years, General Category students have lived in a policy vacuum. They are presumed to be privileged, financially secure and able to manage on their own. In reality lakhs of them are from lower middle class and middle class families where income is barely sufficient to meet the monthly expenses, leave alone the expense of coaching where it can run into lakhs of rupees. They do not qualify for reservations. They seldom qualify for targeted schemes. And now, they are not eligible for free coaching as well! 

The Brutal Paradox

Competitive exams in India are bloodthirsty. General category students face the maximum cut-offs, full fees, no relaxation in age and no safety net. They are competing for fewer seats and with a stricter set of benchmarks, while often subsisting entirely off family savings or loans for preparation. When the free coaching scheme comes into force without them, it does not feel like moving forward-it feels like one more reminder that they are supposed to suffer quietly.

What makes the situation more difficult is not only exclusion, but invisibility. The plights of General Category students are seldom recognised in policy matters. Their stress is often shrugged off as entitlement. Their failures are explained in terms of their personal shortcomings, rather than systemic gaps. Yet the pressure that they are under is immense financially, emotionally, and psychologically. Studying long hours without institutional support, seeing opportunities pass by on the basis of eligibility clauses, being told again and again to "adjust" takes a toll that is rarely measured.

Free Coaching Scheme is a Needed Intervention

No one is against this initiative. But when support is designed around categories as opposed to economic vulnerability, it risks creating a new imbalance. There are General Category students that are poorer than many who receive aid. There are families one crisis away from collapsing. For them exclusion is not ideological, it is practical, immediate and painful.

Free Coaching Feels Like a Closed Door

Free coaching by Physics Wallah, which is a big step in the education sector by the government of India, is a powerful tool. No one denies that. But when eligibility is framed narrowly, it sends an unintended message to General Category students: “Figure it out on your own.”  At a time when competition is fiercer than ever, when private coaching is unaffordable, and when digital access still costs money, being left out doesn’t just feel unfair. It feels like being forgotten by the system you are asked to trust. 

Equality Shouldn’t Mean Selective Support

The bigger question that India needs to pose to itself is a simple one, but uncomfortably so: if the goal is equal opportunity, why not make financial need the primary filter? Merit cannot be sustained on motivation alone. It requires access, guidance and time, which money often buys. Ignoring this reality does not strengthen the system, however, it diminishes trust in it.

What Can Be Done?

As this government-PW initiative expands, policymakers have an opportunity to correct the course. Inclusion does not mean taking opportunities away from one group in order to give to another. It means opening the lens to the extent that support reaches all students who need it - regardless of category. Without that balance, well-intended reforms run the risk of adding to the quiet resentment, rather than the confidence of the people.

For General Category students, this is no call for short-cuts. It is a plea for fairness. A request to be seen. A reminder that you can't pick and choose for equality and that silence shouldn't be misinterpreted as acceptance.

India Needs To be Practical

If India is indeed to democratize education, the conversation NEEDS to be broadened. And because a system that asks one group to constantly sacrifice and adjust and wait will eventually lose the very faith it depends on. 

General category students are also  students; general category people are also people, then why is sacrifice always expected from them? Why do they need to work harder for something others are getting with less effort? Even when one keeps everything aside, one prominent question still remains: If education promises equal opportunity, why does equality stop at the starting line?

Questions are many, but the answer general  category people get is the same: we believe in inclusivity. But who is willing to scream in the face of our policymakers to tell them that THIS is Selectivity not Inclusivity. 

Do you agree? Share your thoughts via email at This email address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it. and get a chance to be featured. 

While we are discussing the issue of education funding, the first thing that comes to our mind is the expenditure of the ministry of education only. However, the creation of knowledge is not the responsibility of one ministry only but many ministries, missions and research & development institutions are involved and the result of their work may not only come through the availability of funds but also their implementation, absorption at the state, level and institutional governance.

Every year as the Union Budget is presented, the same old argument is heard: education does not get enough funding. We agree on one point only; a nation's most valuable long, term investment is in education. However, some people during the debate only focus on the ministry of education (MoE) and thus neglect the funding of education and research through various ministries, mission agencies, and research and development institutions.

Hence, we should not lose sight of the bigger picture and focus on the whole ecosystem as well as the path we have chosen as a nation through consistent budgetary allocations for school education, higher education and research capacity, in line with the National Education Policy, 2020 which sets the goals of access, equity, quality and excellence.

Human capital and knowledge creation emanate from across general education, health, agriculture, defence, atomic energy, space, science and technology, and skilling. Budget support also flows through large national missions, scholarship pipelines, institutional grants and research funding structures. We must underline that this support is not provided solely by MoE. Multiple ministries are involved in building a future-ready workforce and a strong research base.

Let's start with the most obvious indication: the MoE budget itself. In the year 2024, 25, the MoE was given a budget of 1, 20, 628 crores, which rose to 1, 28, 650 crores in 2025, 26. Out of these funds, school education is granted the largest share and rightly so. In 2024, 25, the department of school education and literacy was given the allocation of 73, 008 crores, which rose to 78, 572 crores in 2025, 26.

Flagship programmes are given a solid funding base. Take the Samagra Shiksha Abhiyan, for example, it was given a 41, 250 crore budget in 2025, 26, and PM Poshan was granted 12, 500 crore. These programmes are designed for foundation learning, teacher capacity, school infrastructure and inclusion. They influence retention, learning outcomes and equity, especially for rural children and those students belonging to the socio, economically weaker sections.

So, what about higher education? In 2025, 26, the MoE department of higher education got a budget of 50, 078 crore. Of this, 16, 691 crore was set aside for central universities and 11, 349 crore for IITs. These grants enable nationally important institutions and central universities to maintain their capacity, labs, faculty positions and student services. Notably, through PM, Usha, the Budget also supports state universities and their goal to improve teaching, research facilities and student support.

However, financial resources only do not translate into results. What is required is better execution capacity. We must also focus on implementation, state-level absorption and institutional governance. 

Funding through sectoral systems is a common practice in modern economies. Medical education and healthcare training involve large central institutions and public health systems. Agriculture education and research are vital for food security and rural livelihoods. There are dedicated institutions for defence education, strategy and advanced technology training. Space and atomic energy maintain world-class scientific establishments that train and employ thousands of researchers and engineers. So, to answer ‘How much does India spend on education and research?’, we must take a holistic view including these diverse channels.

The Department of Science and Technology's (DST) budget for 2025, 26 is 28, 508.90 crore. This allocation includes a major push through the Research, Development and Innovation scheme, a deliberate effort to crowd in private R&D and accelerate lab, to, market innovation in priority sectors.

The department of atomic energy has a gross outlay of ₹37,482.93 crore for 2025-26. Beyond power projects and strategic programmes, the department supports research training, specialised higher education institutions and research boards. All these funding channels also support higher education and research funding, even when they do not fall under the MoE. 

Another incomplete habit in public debate is treating ‘research funding’ as if it were only about one grant programme. In reality, capacity grows when the country funds researchers, labs and infrastructure, mission programmes, translation mechanisms and predictable institutions.

The Anusandhan National Research Foundation (ANRF) is one such institutionalised mechanism. ANRF, allotted ₹966 crore in 2024-25, is for building a national-level funding and coordination capability. It aims for industry partnerships, competitiveness and inclusive participation. Similarly, the DST funds modern, high-impact programmes such as cyber-physical systems, quantum mission and supercomputing. These areas define India’s competitiveness in the AI age. 

For the country, funding education and research ecosystems is aimed at building economic and strategic capability. When higher education improves employability, India gets a stronger workforce. Increasing research funding can increase patent filings, improve industrial processes, develop stronger health technologies and deliver climate-resilient solutions.

The message from recent budget announcements is clear. India is investing in education and research through various ministries. The Ministry of Education (MoE) is the major source of funding to educational institutions such as schools and universities as well as scholarships and research; the Department of Science and Technology (DST) along with the national missions support the cutting, edge R&D and the system of translation, which also carries major provisions such as the RDI scheme; the Department of Atomic Energy (DAE) and the strategic science establishments mainly focus on deep research and advanced training ecosystems; while the Advanced Nuclear Research Facility (ANRF) is a landmark national research, funding pillar.

Hence, we should not be asking how much India is spending on education and research but rather whether we are spending in a smart way so that Viksit Bharat 2047 can be a viable goal.

The UN has issued a staggering warning that the world is now in "global water bankruptcy." It is a post-crisis failure where lakes, rivers, aquifers, and glaciers are overdrafted beyond recovery. Almost 75% of the world’s population lives in water-insecure countries. 4 billion people, half the world, are facing extreme water scarcity at least one month every year. But the headlines shout about Trump policies, the Greenland debate, Elon Musk being called an "idiot," while your faucet is about to run dry!!

Water Crisis Warning Issued on 20th Jan, 2026

The Global Water Bankruptcy Report by UNU-INWEH finds that many areas are “living beyond hydrological means.” Drought has an annual cost of $307 billion. 3 billion people and half global food production sit on declining water storage. 170 million hectares of agricultural land are in critical stress, larger than Iran. The world’s cities are sinking due to groundwater depletion, leading to 6 million sq km subsidence, impacting 2 billion city dwellers.

What is Happening in the World?

Jakarta is sinking. Tehran is rioting. Ethiopia is starving. The Colorado River supplies 7 US states, now rationed. Pakistan's Indus River is shrinking. Saudi Arabia imports 80% of its food while water grows nothing. 44% of corporations report water crippling factories. 800 children die daily from preventable diarrhea.

Meanwhile, at Davos, the debate rages over crypto, while COP is hot on carbon credits. "Many regions are living beyond their hydrological means, and many critical water systems are already bankrupt,” told the lead author Kaveh Madani, Director of the UN University’s Institute for Water, Environment and Health (UNU-INWEH), known as 'The UN’s Think Tank on Water. Current solutions fail. Demand for water increases by 1% a year. The 2026 UN Water Conference in Dakar urges leaders to hit the reset button on the global water agenda, from crisis response to bankruptcy management.

How Will the Future Look if Action isn't Taken?

Your kids will line up for water like Day Zero survivors in Cape Town. In India 600M face scarcity which will rise significantly in the near future leading to Gen beta treating water as a luxury item! Your city's mayor would begin rationing plans as water reservoirs reach record lows. And the worst best part? food prices will skyrocket as half of global crops die off (currently 170M hectares, which is 11% cropland, is stressed). 

What Is Helping and Will Fix the Water Crisis?

  • Desalination costs HAVE fallen 90% since 1970
  • Singapore treating 40% of its wastewater. 
  • Drip irrigation conserves 50%. 
  • Rainwater harvesting should be done everywhere. 
  • Pricing reform can kill waste.

But water doesn’t campaign. Markets crash? Front page. Taps empty? Silence. Remember, global water bankruptcy MURDERS quietly while we wage currency wars.

The water crisis isn't future fiction. It's happening now! 2 billion already queue for water daily. Your turn comes soon... but there's still hope as the UN report said “Water stress reflects high pressure that remains reversible." The UN has rung the alarm on Jan 20; Wake up before your glass runs dry. 

Often branded the “side-hustle generation,” India’s Gen Z has grown up in an era marked by economic volatility, rising education costs, and shrinking job security. While they are frequently assumed to be driven primarily by money, new data suggests a far more nuanced reality. For a majority of young professionals, long-term career growth now matters more than short-term financial gains.

According to The Gen Z Work Code: What Drives, Engages, and Retains Them, a new report by recruitment platform Naukri, 57% of Gen Z professionals in corporate India define career growth as the opportunity to learn new skills on the job—outweighing salary hikes and promotions. The survey is based on responses from over 23,000 Gen Z professionals across more than 80 industries.

Learning beats promotions and pay hikes

The data reveals a clear shift in how young workers evaluate success. While 57% associate growth with skill acquisition, only 21% see salary hikes as their top priority. Promotions come even lower in the list of career progress markers, only 12% seeing them as the main signal.

This love of learning is particularly evident in creative industries such as design and advertising, where almost 78% of the participants relate growth to upskilling. These disciplines typically require one to be proficient with the latest tools, platforms, and formatsthus, learning continuously is no longer a matter of choice but a necessity.

It is only natural that one changes their expectations as they gain more experience. For example, in more experienced Gen Z workers, the share of those who place salary rises at the top of their priorities goes up to 25%. This indicates that even though money still counts, it is not so great as to be able to overshadow the importance of acquiring new skills at any stage of one's career.

Work-life balance matters almost as much as learning

Beyond professional development, Gen Z is also redefining what a “good job” looks like. The report shows that work, life balance is the next most crucial factor in job decisions for 50% (after salary). Among the group with a work experience of 5, 8 years, this number rises to 60%.

Having a flexible schedule, reasonable workload, and personal time that is not to be compromised are nowadays no longer considered as just added benefits but are a must for being able to work happily and healthily for a long time. For many young professionals, burnout is definitely not a trophy but a sign of trouble.

Recognition means opportunity, not applause

Another striking finding from the report is how Gen Z interprets workplace recognition. A massive 81% prefer recognition in the form of growth opportunities—such as learning programmes, mentorship, or clear career pathways—rather than verbal praise or public appreciation.

Only 9% said praise alone feels meaningful. Among those earning between Rs 15–25 lakh per annum, interest in monetary rewards increases to 28%, compared to just 8% at entry-level salaries. This indicates that preferences do shift with income levels, but the core desire for tangible progress remains consistent.

Stress is structural, not personal

The survey also sheds light on Gen Z’s mental health concerns at work. The foremost stress factor for work, life balance imbalance was mentioned by 34% of those surveyed, and closely behind was the lack of growth opportunities which was pointed out by 31% of respondents.

Compared to Millennials, it seems that Gen Z is less bothered by micromanagement as only 16% of them indicated it as a significant source of stress against 25% of the older groups. Toxic coworkers were a cause of concern for 19% of the Gen Z respondents but a lot less than systemic issues such as workload stress and stagnation.

India's Gen Z associates career security more and more with how much they can learn today in order to be employable tomorrow. As AI, automation, and global competition continue to reshape the job market, skills rather than titles are becoming the new currency.

The report indicates that companies that want to attract and keep young talents should revise their strategies. Formal learning, flexible working arrangements, and clear advancement opportunities may count more than just slight salary increases.

As the data makes clear, Gen Z is not rejecting money—they are rejecting stagnation. And for organisations willing to invest in their learning journeys, the returns could be far greater than a simple salary negotiation.

Media organisations often take the moral high ground. They run powerful exposés on modern slavery, labour exploitation, corporate abuse, and state oppression. They champion workers’ rights and speak passionately about dignity of labour. But underneath those self righteous headlines, a disturbing fact is hidden: the very media outlets that publish these headlines regularly ask freelance journalists, especially investigative reporters, to work without pay.

This double standard, besides causing shame, is also dangerous.

Investigative journalism is time consuming, costly, and requires a lot of energy. A freelancer's work could go over months in time just by following up on tips, cross checking the paper trail, getting familiar with the sources, and figuring out the legal risks. Many rely on grants from organisations such as Journalism fund Europe to make this possible. But here’s what most editors and publishers conveniently forget: these grants fund the investigation, not the publication.

The research phase is only half the job. After that comes writing, rewriting, structuring, fact-checking, legal vetting, editing, and adapting stories for different platforms. This is labour—skilled labour. Yet journalists are increasingly told: “You already got a grant, so we won’t pay.”

This logic is deeply flawed. Grants exist to enable public-interest investigations that commercial newsrooms no longer fund. They should not be considered as a replacement for editorial budgets.

If newsrooms decide not to cover the expenses of post, investigation work, it is tantamount to them gathering free labour at their disposal while enjoying the benefits of exclusive stories, awards, credibility, and traffic.

The power imbalance is brutal. Freelancers want their stories published. They want impact. They want accountability. Media houses know this—and exploit it. The unspoken message is: Take it or leave it. You should be grateful for the platform.

But exposure does not pay rent. Prestige does not cover healthcare. Bylines do not fund groceries.

I think this is not only unethical behavior but also self-sabotage in a way. The fact is that investigative journalism is hardly standing on its own legs these days. If media outlets continue to undermine the profession in this way by making unpaid labor a standard, there will be no next generation of the watchdogs at all.

The irony is painful. Journalists who expose exploitation are themselves being exploited—by the very institutions that claim to defend justice.

If media organisations want to call themselves the fourth estate, they must act like it. That begins with paying journalists fairly—always. Even when grants are involved. Especially then.

Because a press that feeds on free labour cannot claim to stand for freedom.

More Articles ...